One of the more striking things about the
public discourse that accompanied the amendment to the Strategic Services
Agency (SSA) Act was the absence of enlightened, independent civil society
advocacy on some key, associated human rights issues.
With few exceptions - in specific areas
such as press freedom, the rights of women and children, the disabled and
advocacy on behalf of the LGBT community - this country has not had a tradition
of credible, sustained endeavour in the area of civil and political rights and
even less so when it comes to economic, social and cultural rights.
It has thus been easy to oppose the death
penalty one day and call for the popping of necks the following week – usually after
a general election when statuses change. Immigration regulations are discussed
in the absence of a human rights perspective.
Our Equal Opportunity Act has also long
entrenched systemic discrimination against people based on “sexual
orientation”, yet there has been no groundswell of political or public opinion
opposed to the clear anomaly.
Walking the advocacy road to press freedom
and freedom of expression has not earned some of us any new friends and I have
heard the snarls and the howls on both sides of the street along the way.
Enter now an amended SSA Act and the usual
partisan posturing that belies the fact that there has been no philosophical
distinction between the chief combatants on the dispensability of rights in the
face of what are expressed by the political elite as public interest/security
concerns.
It was therefore easy for attorney general
Faris Al-Rawi to suggest that there exists legislative room for manoeuvre on
the question of the right to privacy in May 2016 when, in November 2010 as an
Opposition senator, he asserted that “unlike other jurisdictions, and in
particular I speak to England where there is an unwritten Constitution—there
are conventions which they observe—we have a clear, defined, enshrined right
which can definitely be put to mean a right to privacy.”
The debate at the time was over the
Interception of Communications Act – in many respects the law that ought to
have invoked much more critical scrutiny than it did but instead remained relatively
unchallenged in the public domain as a result of eventual bipartisan support.
That the SSA amendment extends areas of coverage definitely needed to be
vigorously flagged, but the challenge could have actually been engaged at a
much more fundamental level both inside and outside of parliament in 2010 and
even before.
The implicit terms of engagement between
the state and private individuals that facilitated the well-known pre-2010
abuses predated the startling post-election revelations but without serious
consideration by anyone. Whose phone is tapped, in the midst of intimate
exchanges of one kind or the other, is an old, old joke we have all cracked.
Instead, and yet again, we left the debate
up to the least qualified to address the spirit, as opposed to the letter, of the
law – politicians and lawyers.
The intersection of the right to privacy
and other rights and obligations appears not to have forcefully entered the
debate either in 2010 or 2016. There is also a strong connection between
freedom of expression and the right to privacy and a debate to be engaged on
the extent to which a requirement of transparency and privacy rights may
collide.
The ‘Panama Papers’ revelations have
forcefully raised the latter question and invoked the absolutely relevant
concern of whether laws and conventions on such matters are not in fact skewed to
comply with prevailing social status and power arrangements – in which event
the issue of privacy, as opposed to the requirements of transparency, is a
supremely political debate to be openly engaged.
No, people will not and should not trust
you on this. The administration of 2010-2015 derived much of its standing on
the issue both from the fact that some key operatives had been victimised in
the past and that it was somehow more trustworthy to legislate on the subject –
though some essential elements of the ensuing law now form the basis of its
concerns in 2016 because someone else is now made to administrate them.
To what extent, some might ask, does the
threat that one’s privacy might be breached not impose a chilling effect on
one’s freedom to express oneself? In the face of intense scrutiny, George
Orwell’s Winston Smith, in the book 1984, is forced to keep an illicit diary even
as the Party and Big Brother maintain a high level of official opacity.
In one memorable passage, Winston concedes
that “if you want to keep a secret you must also hide it from yourself.”
The Orwellian scenario paints a rather
complete picture of the privacy problématique which mature nations have found
it fit to comprehensively explore. Some otherwise exemplary countries have
certainly not got it right but this is a question for all of us. Not only for
the Bar Association here but for civil society organisations, civic-minded
citizens in all spheres and political parties from whose ranks emerge people
who will at some stage be empowered to consider actions related to the interplay
of important rights.
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