It was while thinking of an
information/connectivity metaphor for this week’s column, last Monday’s
internet blackout descended upon us like unexpected, stifling fog. Depending on
where you were, mobile data also offered no opening in or to the cloud.
Before all that, the idea was to propose to
readers a scenario in which there was a confluence of information flows and to
point to its relevance within the context of official transparency and
accountability.
Then came the blackout and how journalists feel
while pursuing a story reliant on authoritative verification from both official
and private sector sources.
I had been thinking that all through last
week’s parliamentary hubris, the role of freely accessible public information
found no space as pre-requisite to transparent procurement processes. I tried
hard to follow all of it, but the rhetorical brawl provided little comfort or
attraction to those interested in getting to the heart of political habits
beyond recurring claims of corrupt practice.
Surely, I thought, if corruption resided in
constant social orbit (“all ah we t’ief”) then at the core must reside the
means for its sustenance – both the institutional and psychical conditions that
permit it.
It is clear to me that a key issue in all of
this is a cultural preference for secrecy over disclosure – no matter the
candour of our music and our art. And, even so, to recognise that the pathology
transcends virtually all sectors.
Behind this is the notion of information as a
primary component of the power dynamic. Finance minister Colm Imbert addressed
the challenge during the debate when he spoke of the ability of independent
information and opinion in the media to “weaken the position of MPs.”
It remains one of his most truthful
declarations ever, as it points to the impact on power of information expressed
as knowledge (and, eventually, as wisdom). It is the gist of this column
cogently and succinctly expressed.
It all came together during the sharp
parliamentary back and forth, as I waited to hear the connection between the
requirements of strong procurement regulations and an official predisposition
favourable to openness and the more efficient flow of official information.
Recent experience as leader of a regional
investigative team examining Chinese investments in the Caribbean significantly
influenced my position on government-to-government projects as an area of
coverage by the legislation. Whether we were talking about the north-south
highway in Jamaica, housing projects in Suriname or NAPA in T&T, there was
an information portal that remained tightly closed and sealed.
Zero from former Cabinet ministers, senior
state officials and Chinese sources. I personally spoke with two former senior
T&T ministers – on both sides of the political aisle – and they sincerely
claimed to have never seen official documents in support of these investments.
There may or may not have been corruption, but the conditions for it to prevail
clearly persisted.
Politicians do not appear to understand how
much open access to official information can help establish their case as
immune to the lure of corruption. It does not reduce their power, it enhances
it. Yet, just eight of Caricom’s 15 countries have access to information laws.
And, in cases such as ours in T&T, the
legislation requires strengthening in order to counteract the instinct to
conceal.
This requirement of modern society is now
recognised as a global challenge. The standards set by both inter-governmental
and non-governmental international bodies point to several clear principles.
These include the concept of “maximum
disclosure” guided by a compulsion to let everybody know as much about
everything as possible. An obligation to proactively disclose even unsolicited
information and, promotion of the concept of “open government”.
Of course, there will be exceptions to these
rules. These cover the risk of societal harm and matters inimical to the public
interest. They may also include issues of national security, public safety,
privacy rights, judicial action and legitimate private business concerns.
Strong freedom of information laws should also
enable simplified processes to facilitate access to information, limited costs,
and protection for whistleblowers. In the process, procurement practices can
become far less problematic.
When minister Imbert spoke, there was
uncharacteristic peace across the aisle. There was nothing more to add. He
could have written the preamble to the Bill. The Opposition would have
supported him.
Originally published in the T&T Guardian on
December 9, 2020
