First published in the T&T Guardian on Feb 10, 2021
There has recently been sufficient for many to condense
public life in our small republic into a single, tragic story of murderous
stories. There is validity to this, and we should never shift our sights too
far away from root causes and prospective solutions.
Yet, if we are to eventually prevail as a nation, our field of vision must as much capture breadth and periphery as it reflects depth and dimension on chosen matters. We need to remain alert to other challenges that have the potential to undermine our advance into the future.
Over recent weeks, for instance, I have been spending time looking at the contribution of regional integration in addressing pandemic issues and its role in recovery efforts everywhere.
We already know of the royal Brexit mess. So, none of that today. But another learning opportunity can be found in the current plight of the Pacific Islands Forum (PIF) – the rough equivalent of the Caribbean Forum (Cariforum) which comprises Caricom plus the Dominican Republic.
If you have travelled there or studied the connections, you would realise that in many respects, there is more in common between the insular Pacific and the Caribbean, than there is between Latin America and our sub-region. The PIF is also a key partner in EU/ACP relations.
Last week, contrary to longstanding practice, rotation of the post of PIF Secretary-General by consensus was superseded by an unprecedented election for the post – an act inspired by geo-political shenanigans with poles aligned to Australia and New Zealand (members of the PIF), and the United States.
The result was the departure of Palau and the threatened withdrawal of the other small Micronesian member nations – part of a narrative that spans almost 80 years.
The longevity of this conundrum is reminiscent of the circumstances surrounding the Venezuela problem - the role of dominant and domineering global powers and the counterbalance of regional institutions.
But, like the Pacific, our own self-confidence – expressed as international self-awareness - has often fallen short of the requirements of real independence.
The OAS is in near shambles and Caricom cohesion has been similarly affected by the clash between Bolivarian imperialism and hegemonic US intent.
Notably, and ironically, among the more unifying challenges of that period has been Venezuela’s persistent territorial conflict with Guyana.
To be clear, Venezuela’s claim to the Essequibo region did not arise because of Guyana’s recent hydrocarbon finds or Maduro’s January decree, nor did it enter the Caricom agenda in 2019 following problematic elections in Venezuela.
There is partisan disinformation designed to draw negative attention to T&T’s role in all this. But Caricom’s position on Venezuela’s imperialistic designs is longstanding and has crossed political divides. “Guyana-Venezuela Relations” has also been one of the more persistent Caricom agenda items spanning decades.
In July 2010, for example (note the date), Caricom leaders in a Summit communiqué “reaffirmed their unequivocal support for the safeguarding of Guyana ’s territorial integrity and sovereignty and its right to develop its resources in the entirety of its territory.”
Again, in 2016, even as things warmed up hemispherically, the leaders “reiterated their full support for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of all CARICOM States and their entitlement to rights regarding maritime zones under international law.”
It is an issue that has long enjoyed common posturing throughout Caricom, in Guyana, and in Venezuela. So much so that in Guyana, even now, there is bipartisan agreement on this.
In Venezuela, it has also transcended the political aisle. Both the Maduro regime and the Guaidó claimants to office have pointed accusatory fingers at each other with claims of reduced passion on this matter.
So, while tyranny and deprivation in Venezuela have proven to be polarising regional issues, the country’s conflict with Guyana has not. The territorial controversy also did not emerge in 2019 but goes back to an Arbitral Award in 1899 involving the UK and Venezuela.
Last week, T&T’s independent position on domestic Venezuela politics positioned it favourably to play a role in the release of Guyanese fishermen (unlawfully) detained by Venezuelan authorities on January 23. We must note the efforts of minister Amery Browne.
In an accompanying statement, there was the studious omission by the Venezuelans of reference to Caricom but mention of the grouping’s campaign for the Caribbean as a “Zone of Peace.”
No Trump. No Mondello. No Biden. Only Caricom and an unwavering commitment to a key member. Regional integration worked.
