The 2025 Caribbean electoral season has revealed a restless political temperament across the region, along with important questions about whether our systems truly serve democratic goals.
It has also highlighted just how diverse
our electoral frameworks are - ranging from first-past-the-post contests to
various forms of proportional representation, all within a shared culture of
fierce but rules-bound competition.
These differences invite a wider regional
discussion on governance. Suriname, for example, recently abandoned its
“district” system of proportional representation in favour of a single,
national constituency – in my view, removing a pathway through which localised
issues may reach the national stage.
I acknowledge there are Surinamese experts
prepared to quite logically challenge this view. I was schooled by resident
experts on its inherent weaknesses. But I still hold there is value in it, as
evidenced in the possibilities offered in Guyana.
Guyana operates a hybrid form of PR that
ensures regional representation: of its 65 parliamentary seats, 25 regional
seats are allocated using the Hare quota system.
Both cases underline the need to discuss,
at the regional level, how our electoral designs shape real representation. In
T&T, this conversation arises mainly when people lose elections and suspect
there is a way they could have stood a better chance.
Equally important, though, is the issue of voter
turnout. This year, so far, participation levels have ranged from the mid-70s
to below 40 percent, with several observers pointing to rising “voter apathy”,
especially among young people.
While imperfect registration lists
complicate the calculations, the broader concern remains: too many citizens are
staying away from the polls.
Here’s a quick scan of how the year
unfolded in both full and associate Caribbean Community (Caricom) member
states:
Turks and Caicos (Feb 7): Constitutional
changes were in place for the vote, but the outcome was unchanged. The
Progressive National Party (PNP) held power with nearly 74% turnout.
Anguilla (Feb 26): Cora Richardson-Hodge’s
Anguilla United Front (AUF) ousted the incumbent Anguilla Progressive Movement
(APM), with turnout at 69%.
Belize (Mar 12): John Briceño’s People’s
United Party (PUP) returned comfortably with 26 seats in the 36-member House,
while a divided United Democratic Party (UDP) won only five between its two
factions. Turnout was close to 65%.
Trinidad & Tobago (Apr 28): Kamla
Persad-Bissessar’s United National Congress (UNC), and the Tobago People’s
Party (TPP), overturned a narrow People’s National Movement (PNM) majority.
Turnout stood just below 54%, and the new House is now split 26 (UNC), 13
(PNM), and 2 (TPP).
Suriname (May 25): Jennifer
Geerlings-Simons’ National Democratic Party (NDP) built coalition support for a
new government. More than 69% of voters participated.
Guyana (Sep 1): In a historic shift, the
People’s National Congress (PNC), anchor of the APNU coalition, slipped to
third place behind the new We Invest in Nationhood (WIN) – the People’s
Progressive Party (PPP) winning a second consecutive term under President
Irfaan Ali. Turnout however fell to about 52%, down from over 70% in 2020.
Jamaica (Sep 3): The Jamaica Labour Party
(JLP) retained office but lost ground, sliding from its 49-14 advantage in 2020
to 38-35. The People’s National Party (PNP), under Mark Golding, surged, but
turnout dropped to under 40% - the lowest in the region this year.
Still ahead are elections in St Vincent and
the Grenadines, likely before year’s end. Prime Minister Ralph Gonsalves’ Unity
Labour Party (ULP), holding nine of 15 seats, will seek a sixth straight
victory against Godwin Friday’s New Democratic Party (NDP).
Saint Lucia, where the ruling Saint Lucia
Labour Party (SLP) trounced the United Workers Party (UWP) 13-2 in 2021, is
also gearing up for its next poll. Don’t be surprised if the year does not end
without this contest.
Taken together, these recalibrations
reflect a region in motion - sometimes favouring incumbents, sometimes
rejecting them, but always revealing the dynamism of Caribbean politics.
However, the troubling variations in voter turnout suggest that large segments
of our populations feel disconnected from the process. There are also questions
to be answered concerning the representative systems at play.
For this reason, it might be time to
revisit the now-defunct Assembly of Caribbean Community Parliamentarians
(ACCP). Such a bi-partisan forum could engage dialogue on electoral systems,
representation, and ways to re-engage citizens who currently feel left behind.
For guidance, witness the work of the
multipartite OECS Assembly which met in St Vincent in June for the seventh time
since it first convened in 2012.
The Caribbean will never adopt a single
electoral model, but we share the challenge of strengthening democracy while
ensuring that the widest possible range of voices is heard. This year’s
restless voting patterns should remind us that democracy cannot be taken for
granted - and that reform must be part of a collective conversation.
